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As for Germany , they wanted to reduce its size rather than to divide it up , but the reduc tions were to be made only in the East to the aggrandizement of Polish and Soviet te rritory . The re mainder of Ge rmany was to re main a single economic and political unit - a sol ution that promised greater re parations than a disme mbered Germany ad ministered by several Allies in their own zones . There were several impediments to the Rus sian scheme for Ger many . Firs t , the French fe lt that the key to their future security was the separation of the Rhineland , the Ruhr, and the Saar and the ir in co rporation into , or domination b y , France .
In Greece , a nonindustriali zed country with a feeble modern democratic tradition and a strong prewar quasi-Fascist authoritarian background , the Com munist party atte,;:�t ed to seize power, even re- VERNON V . ASPATURIAN sorting to guerrilla warfare , but failed and was reduced to semi-illegal status . The two East European model s that most closely approximate the postwar situation in We stern Europe are Finland and Czechoslovakia. The geographic and strategic variables are central in both instance s .
Thu s , the only mass Communist party in Eastern Europe was assured of an e nhanced position within the govern ment . On the continent , mass Communist parties had existed only in Rechtsstaater , and they reappeared w ith the restoration of the pre war or the pre- Fascist o rder. Thus large Communist partie s were " natural " in France , Ital y , and Czechoslovakia, and " artificial " in Poland , Hungary , Romania, and Bulgaria. Yugoslavia was the excep tion . The end of the war saw the collapse of the Serbian-dominated state , and C roatian national i s m had been discredited by the A nte Pavelic policy of attempting to convert the Serbs in Croatia to Roman Cathol icism or of e xterminating the m .